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<H20:特別選抜>
 The goal of the first stage of counseling is to ensure that both helper and client fully understand the problems that individual is facing.
Many people who seek counseling may feel so overwhelmed by a variety of problems and their emotional sequelae that they are unable to identify or prioritize specific issues that need resolving.
It is essential that the helper does not repeat this error and that due attention is given to the process of problem identification.
Health care workers all too frequently present ‘standard solutions’ to ‘standard problems’ without consideration of the actual problems faced by the individual.
Overweight individuals are presented with diet sheets, people with arthritis are given standard information on limb mobilization, and so on, frequently with little consideration to the circumstances or history of the person receiving them.
In the case of the overweight individual, for example, providing a diet sheet implicitly suggests that the problem is one of ignorance of the dietary changes necessary to lose weight, and that the solution is one of information provision.
Rarely is the problem so simple.
 Egan identified a number of strategies appropriate to each stage of the counseling process.
In the first stage, these are primarily ones that promote the client’s effective exploration of their problems, and include direct questioning, verbal prompts (‘Tell me about…’), minimal prompts (‘Uh-hu’) and empathic feedback.
Egan state that the use of open questions should be maximized, and that any direct question should generally be followed by a less directive method of encouraging consideration of the problem.
Some examples of this process are given in a sample of dialogue involving a man recently identified as having high cholesterol levels but who has not been able to achieve the suggested dietary changes:

Helper:     So, you haven’t been able to achieve your goal of changing your diet.
Mr.B:    No. I’m just the same as before. No luck as usual.
Helper: You've been here before then?
Mr.B:    Yes. I don't know… It all seems such a problem. I set off with food intentions, and want to change my diet - but it all seems to fall apart. And I don't really know why.
Helper: Hmmmm. Perhaps it would help if we looked in a bit more detail at some of the times when things have gone wrong.
Mr.B:    O.K. Well, thinking back to yesterday, I asked my wife to get us a salad for dinner and then my kids staeted on and said they didn't want any more of the 'rabbit food', and I suppose I gave in and said we'd eat something different.
Helper: You looked quite frustrated when you were telling me about that.
Mr.B:    Well, it can get very annoying as it's often the kids or my wife that seems to decide what I eat. But they haven't got my problems. They don't seem to understand why I want to eat the things I do. They never compromise!
 Note that in this brief example, the helper has begun to identify the factor contributing to Mr.B’s problems through the use of only one direct prompt, with the other interjections involving reflective feedback.
PR
14
<H19:特別選抜>
(1)
 Roger’s primary emphasis was to understand how the actualizing tendency was blocked in the course of development and, if this was the case, how it could be restored in psychotherapy.
With respect to the former issue, Rogers proposed that a healthy environment for a child is one in which there is unconditional positive regard for the child’s core self.
That is, while specific actions could give rise to parental approval or disapproval, there was never a question of the love and positive regard attached to the child as a whole person, as a self.
Unfortunately, this kind of fundamental, unquestioned acceptance of the child as a whole was often replaced by the presence of what Rogers termed “conditional acceptance.”
In this case, the child consciously or unconsciously absorbs “conditions of worth” – propositions in the form of “I am valued if…,” which form an essential part of the child’s internal world.
Subsequently, the child, seeking to maintain the approval of early attachment figures, begins to tailor his or her actions to fulfill these conditions of worth.
As a result, the child comes to be dominated by external valuations and perspectives and channels of authentic experience are progressively closed.
In this way, the child’s actualizing tendency, the natural movement toward growth and the extension of a real self, becomes thwarted and replaced by defensive functioning and inautheniticity.
 For Rogers, the essence of psychotherapeutic change rests on the ability of the therapist to create an interpersonal climate that counters conditions of worth and restores the individual’s connection to authentic experience and spontaneous efforts toward actualizing a true self.
He specifically proposed that therapists must embody four qualities in their stance toward the client for this desired outcome to occur.
First, therapists must be emotionally warm.
Secondly, the interaction with the client must be characterized by empathic understanding in which therapists are able to understand the client’s internal frame of reference and accurately communicate this understanding to the client.
Next, there is congruence, a condition that exists when therapists are genuine, spontaneously real, and able to express what they actually feel, positively or negatively, in their interactions with the client.
Finally, the therapist must convey an attitude of unconditional positive regard for the client’s core self.
That is, the same attitude that Rogers felt was crucial in preventing conditions of worth and preserving the actualizing tendency in normal development was also believed to be essential in restoring the movement toward growth and expansion of the self in adulthood.
 

(2)
 Modernism takes it for granted that our constructions do relate to the real world (rather than merely gaining their meaning from a system of other constructions), and it allows the further assumption that on going progress is possible in research.
This is truth or reality about which it is possible to attain ever more accurate knowledge.
The research can elaborate the structure of scientific construct in a direction which approximate more and more to the truth of actual reality.
 Modernism characterizes both the world of natural science and technology and the social and political world.
It assumes that there are recognized criteria of scientific research or scholarly activity by which knowledge advances.
In marked contrast, post modernity can be viewed as a cultural movement for which such strong criteria of validity no longer exist (since the connection between ‘reality’ and human constructions has been dismissed).
The idea of progress has nothing to refer to, because there is no standard against which to judge an innovation of theory, practice, product or policy that would enable one to see that it is an improvement over what previously existed.
 Plainly, most psychology is modernist in its assumptions.
There is a true reality to be uncovered by the activities of its researchers, and findings at one moment in time are the stepping-stones to refined findings later on.
Postmodern thinking questions this, ‘outside human society, looking in’.
It is not detached, but one among the many discourses within the culture – a discourse-space, a particular realm of social cognition and practical activity with its own rationality.
In this view, qualitative psychology should not pretend to reveal progressively true, universal human nature, but should make us aware of the implicit assumptions (about ‘human nature’ and kinds of human experience) that are available to the members of a social group for the time being.

14
H18:特別選抜>
(1)
 Most of us are ill at some time in our lives.
Some of us spend many months, even years being unwell.
Could it be that there is something for us to learn through these experiences?
Until I worked with cancer patients and other ill people, I would have never expected them to express gratitude for being ill.
But many do.
 Even so, what right have we, who are apparently fit and well, to talk about the meaning of illness to people who are in or close to those who are suffering?
It can sound hard, even irrelevant.
Pain and invasive forms of illness have to be dealt with by the person concerned.
Whatever support the ill person receives from doctor, hospital, family or friends, only he or she can know the quality and depth of that suffering.
To suppose that anyone can evaluate their state in terms of ‘meaning’ might seem totally inhuman.
 Yet for every one of us who believe in the importance of wholeness in our personalities, and I am certainly one, there has to be an awareness of the dark as well as the light side of life.
Without both of these there would be no real humanity to our existence.
This acceptance of the whole means that suffering, despair, illness and death are as much part of us as love, joy exploration and occasional ecstasy.
It is the way in which we react to these two sides of ourselves which makes us learn and grow and ultimately learn how to respect and appreciate life.
(中略)
 However, we begin to learn that what appears to be health in a person is often not true balance but a state of desperate fragility kept in control by suppression of real needs.
Many people have no real sense of self-worth or are unable to express such emotions as anger, hate or love.
We live in a society which nurtures the intellect at the expense of other forms of expression.
A child learns early that emotional behavior does not earn him or her the respect of parents.
When we become ill there is often the overwhelming realization, and relief, that we can show emotion.
It dramatically changes the scene, and opens up new and different ways of being and relation, which were not acceptable to us when we were ‘healthy’.

(2)
Clinical psychologists have two basic alternatives when they seek to create goals for a clinical intervention.
First, the clinician can choose to help clients make a better adjustment to their current life situation.
For example, the psychologist could provide a therapeutic intervention to help a clients adjust to an antagonistic family, without attempting to bring about any change in the family itself.
Second, interventions can be conducted to help clients alter their life situations.
For instance, the clinician could demand a family new ways to communicate and more effective ways to make decisions so as to change the entire family environment.
 Although it is important for people to fit in with their current life situations and to change themselves in a realistic fashion, “adjustment” is a sham if the person must deny critical needs or values in order to make this adaptation.
A prerequisite to setting a goal of better adjustment is a thorough and honest exploration of the client’s abilities, interests, aspirations, and values.
For example, a clinician might help a depressed woman to clarify both the benefits and limitations of her current roles as a housewife and to examine any discrepancies between this life situation and her long-range goals for herself (e.g., education), before setting specific goals for therapy.
 Another danger in helping clients to adjust themselves to their current social environments is that these life situations may be physically or psychological harmful or inadequate.
Physical threats are somewhat easier to teach than psychological dangers, but two characteristics of social environments that are widely held to be important for psychological “health” are openness to diversity and encouragement of self-determination.
Social systems that require all members to fit into a single “correct” mold are likely to develop problems that are detrimental for those involved.
Similarly, social systems that seek to dictate all decisions for their members are likely to engender apathetic, excessively dependent, or aggressive responses from their members.
Thus, social environments that prohibit or punish diversity and self-determination create restrictive, stagnant, and sometimes even dangerous for their members.
In such cases, it may be preferable to either accept the social systems or remove the client from that setting, rather than aiding the client to adjust to a destructive life situation.

14
<H20>
The publication of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species (1859) was probably the single most vital force in the establishment of child psychology as a scientific discipline.
The notion of the evolution of the species – and especially Darwin’s continued search for “sign of man in animal life” – inevitably led to speculation about the development of human beings and society.
Darwin classified the infant as an “animal,” a link in the evolutionary scale between other animals and mature human beings.
Animal behavior was regarded as primarily instinctive, inflexible, and stereotyped, while adult human behavior was trainable, flexible, and creative.
From the evolutionary point of view, the prolonged period of helplessness in human infancy - compared to the relatively sort period in animal infancy - is of great significance.
During this period, the infant is particularly easy to train, so that adults can teach the child the skills, information, and ideas necessary for survival in the physical and social world.
 It followed from Darwin's theory that "man was to be understood by a study of his origins - in nature and in the child. When did consciousness dawn? What were the beginnings of morality? How could we know the world of the infant? Questions like these which, in form of more or less sophistication, were to dominate child psychology for many years..."
 Systematic study of larger groups of children began toward the end of the nineteenth century.
One of the pioneers, G. Stanley Hall, president of Clark University and one of the founders of American psychology, attempted to investigate "the contents of children's minds" because, like Darwin, he was convinced that the study of development was crucial to the problem of understanding human beings.
To conduct his studies of larger groups, he devised and refined a new research technique, the questionnaire, a series of questions designed to obtain information about children's and adolescents' behavior, attitudes, and interests.
 In a sense, Hall's work, which continued into the twentieth century, marks the beginning of systematic child study in the United States.
By modern standards, his work cannot be considered controlled or highly objection; the problems with which he was concerned have been investigated with much greater scientific sophistication in recent years.
Nevertheless, his use of large numbers of children and his attempts to determine the relationships among personality characteristics, adjustment problems, and background experiences represented distinct methodological advances over earlier philosophical and biographical approaches.

14
<H19>
(1)
 Our principal problem then is to relate the earlier stages of becoming to the later.
Freud taught that the foundations of character are established by the age of three; he held that while later events may be able to modify they can never basically alter the traits then formed.
Even Adler, who agrees with Freud on little else, dates the adoption of a lasting style of life around the age of four or five.
 While there is serious exaggeration in these views we dare not blind ourselves to the impressive supporting evidence that exists.
We think in this connection of the work of Spits, Levy, Anna Freud, and others.
Bowlby has reviewed their investigations and added important date of his own.
With some regularity it turns out that a child’s character and mental health depend to a considerable degree upon his relationship with his mother in early years.
Adverse relationships seem often to create insuperable obstacles to effective therapeutic treatment at later periods of life.
Delinquency, mental disorder, and ethnic prejudice are among the antisocial conditions that have been traced in part to affect ional deprivation and disturbance in early childhood.
All in all a generous minimum of security seems required in early years for a start toward a productive life-style.
Without it the individual develops a pathological craving for security, and is less able than others to tolerate setbacks in maturity.
Through his insistent demanding, jealousy, depredations, and egoism he betray the craving that still haunts him.
By contrast, the child who receives adequate gratification of his infant needs is more likely to be prepared to give up his habits of demanding, and to learn tolerance for his later frustrations.
Having completed successfully one stage of development he is free to abandon the habits appropriate to this stage and to enter the mature reaches of becoming.
Having known acceptance in an affectionate environment he learns more readily to accept himself, to tolerate the world, and to handle the conflicts of later life in a mature manner.
 If this interpretation is correct it means that early affinitive needs (dependence, succorrance, and attachment) are the ground of becoming, even in their presocialized stages.
They demand a basic rapport with the world before growth proper can start.
Aggression and hatred, by contrast, are reactive protests, aroused only when afflictive tendencies are thwarted.
A patient in treatment, we know, makes progress toward health in proportion as his resentments, hostility, and hated lessen, and in proportion as he feels accepted and wanted by therapist, family, and associates.
Love received and love given comprise the best form of therapy.
But love is not easily commanded or offered by one whose whole life has been marked by reactive protest against early deprivation.
 It is a hopeful sign that psychologists are turning their attention to the affiliative groundwork of life.
Its sheer ubiquity has perhaps led to its relative neglect up to now.
We have paid more attention to the pathology of becoming than to its normal course, focusing upon disease rather than health, upon bad citizenship rather than good, and upon prejudice rather than tolerance and charity.
(2)
 Self-esteem and personal security depend to considerable degree on a sense of being able to understand and thereby exert some control both over the reactions of others toward oneself and over one’s own inner states.
The inability to control feelings, thoughts, and impulse is inherently demoralizing.
Uncontrolled feelings also impede a person’s ability to influence others by preempting attention from social interaction and distorting perceptions and behavior.
The feeling of loss of control gives rise to anxiety and other emotions that aggravate and are aggravated by the specific symptoms or problems for which the person ostensibly has sought psychotherapy.
 Even psychotic patients can benefit from regaining a sense of control over their symptoms, as was illustrated by an out-of-town schizophrenic patient who telephoned one of us (J.D.F.) while on a visit to Baltimore.
The patient stated that she was psychotic, that her symptoms had been controlled by Stelazine, but that she was beginning to hallucinate and giggle.
She feared she might be suffering a relapse.
After establishing that the patient’s dose of medication was adequate and that she was under considerable tension during her visit, I reassured her that her symptoms would probably subside after she returned home.
About six weeks later the patient wrote to me : “After receiving your opinion I returned to good functioning again.
Just to be reassured by a competent psychiatrist that I and Stelazine are in control of the situation is the best therapy possible for me!”
All schools of psychotherapy bolster the patient’s sense of mastery (Liberman 1987b) or self-efficacy (Bandura 1977) in at least two ways : by providing the patient with a conceptual scheme that explains symptoms and supplies the rationale and procedure for overcoming them, and by providing occasions for the patient to experience success.
 Since words are a human being’s chief tool for analyzing and organizing experience, the conceptual schemes of all psychotherapies increase patients’ sense of security and mastery by giving names to experiences that had seemed haphazard, confusing, or inexplicable.
Once the unconscious or ineffable has been put into words, it loses much of its power to terrify.
The capacity to use verbal reasoning to explore potential solutions to problems also increases people’s sense of their options and enhances their sense of control.
This effect has been termed the principle of Rumpelstiltskin (Torrey 1986), after the fairy tale in which the queen broke the wicked dwarf’s power over her by guessing his name.
14
<H18>
(1)
 A psychotherapist cannot fully conceal himself or herself from patients.
Age, sex, race, and marital status are usually obvious, and, often so are the therapist’s health and state of mind.
In addition, events in the therapist’s life often intrude into the therapeutic relationship.
A therapist’s marriage or engagement may be announced by a ring.
Therapists become pregnant and give birth.
Therapist become in or disabled, change job, or become public figures.
Other events in the therapist’s life, such as a death or severe illness in the family affect therapy by their direct influence on the therapist’s mood and ability to concentrate, and can alter a therapist’s reactions to patients in other ways.
Given the ebb and flow of life, the therapist does not remain the same over time.
 Like his patients, the therapist’s self is the constantly changing product of his thoughts, feelings, experiences, genetic makeup, and physiological state.
No one can fully know himself, and no one can fully expose his self to another.
To introduce use of self as a therapeutic instrument, let us take the task of helping a woman deal with feelings about her mother’s death.
A neutral therapist would say “What did you feel?” or “You must have had some feeling reaction!” or simply “Tell me about it.”
Thus, he indicates technical expertise and willingness to deal with the patient’s feelings.
An open therapist displays concern, empathizes, or relates a similar experience in addition to applying his technical expertise.
The disclosing therapist says,
“It’s difficult for me to believe that you had no reaction to your mother’s death.
I know how strongly I feel at funerals, even if I’m not related to the dead person.”
By sharing his personal reactions, the therapist heightens emotional awareness and openly involves himself.
 

(2).
 It was hardly a coincidence, for instance, that his theory followed a path that excavates buries material when his life-long obsession was with archaeology.
Not only did Freud spend his day digging into people’s past to uncover the meaning of their experiences, but he also spent most of his vacations on archaeological digs, as well as collecting ancient artifacts that adorned his office.
This was a man who believed in his soul that the past shapes who we are, and his theory reflected this intensely personal conviction.
 Likewise, Victor Frankl, the inventor of one school of existential theory called logotherapy, developed his notions as a result of traumas he suffered in the concentration camps of Nazi Germany.(Frankl,1997)
Day after day, as he watched friends, neighbors, and family members give up and die, or actually kill themselves by running into the guarded fence, he searched for some lager purpose to his tortuous existence.
This investigation into the meaning of his own suffering gave way to a whole system of helping others that was rooted in the construction of personal meaning.
(中略)
 In a third example of how theories are influenced profoundly by the personal experiences of their inventors, Carl Rogers, the founder of person-centered therapy, developed an approach that followed perfectly his most deeply held conviction.
In his autobiography, Rogers(1980) reflect on one of his earliest memories from childhood the pleasure he felt when he could really hear someone.
(中略)
 It is hardly surprising that Rogers would have developed a theory of helping that emphasize authentic relationships when he felt such an emptiness in his own life growing up.
He moved around a lot as a kid, never felt any roots, and admits he had close friends.
“I was socially incompetent,” Rogers discloses, “in any but superficial contacts”(1980, p. 30)
Yet, lo and behind, later in life he develops a theory of helping that holds as its most sacred principle the significance of an accepting, caring, nurturing relationship.

14
<H17>
(1).
An economics student in her early twenties traveled to Spain with a young man, who talked intimately to her on the train journey about his life and troubles.
On arrival at the villa they were joined by a girl-friend of hers.
Some days later the student began to have a depressive attack accompanied by a feeling of self-hated, which she described as ‘like descending into a pit’.
After some hours there began to emerge in her mind her intense jealousy of her girl-friend, to whom the young man had been paying more attention than to her, and she went to her room and broke down into an uncontrollable fit of weeping.
The other two heard her and came in, and she was able to pour out her feelings to them.
The depressive attack disappeared, and from then on not only in the short term did the holiday go well, but in the long term she found herself able to relate to groups of people in a new way – no longer as an outsider, but as a participant.
 In many ways this is a every ordinary and everyday story, but in many ways also it bears very close examination.
 First of all, it needs no very deep insight into human nature to suggest that the basic situation on this holiday, a young man and two girls, was loaded with potential trouble.
One of the girls was likely to feel jealous and left out, in this case the student, and subsequent events would depend on how well she coped with this.
Many possibilities can be envisaged, one of which might have been to have redoubled her efforts to make herself attractive and then to have won the young man back again ; or , failing this, to have angrily taxed him with his faithlessness and lack of consideration, and then to have put herself in a situation where she could snap her fingers at him and find someone else.
In this latter way she could have got her anger of her chest and consoled herself by getting what she wanted elsewhere.
Instead she developed symptoms, which illustrates at once the contrast between what may be called ‘adaptive’ and ‘maladaptive’ behavior.
However, once this had happened she was in fact able to express her feelings and to resolve the situation satisfactorily.
So in the end her behaviour was adaptive after all.

(2). Rogers spent his whole life not only asserting the importance of the democratic and libertarian ideal in all human relationships, but seeking ways to accomplish that ideal.
He innovated, he described, he tested, he modified, he even proselytized.
For that he won hundreds of thousands of appreciative students whose work touches millions of lives each year.
At the same time, however, he also won thousands of influential critics who have prevented Carl Rogers and the person-centered approach from becoming the mainstay of professional training in the academic institutions of the United States.
 It is not only academia that has resisted Roger’s works.
In a sense, the concern for creative human development competes for attention with an extremely strong current in modern society.
For our technological age is increasingly impressed by new wonders of telecommunication, new drugs and cures, new hardware and software, new gadgets for work and leisure – the latest advances modern science and capitalism have to offer.
Rogers’s message points us in a different direction, at first glance much less exciting and more difficult : The answer to most of our problems lies not in technology but in relationships.
What really matters is trust in ourselves and others, in communication, in how we handle our feelings and conflicts, in how we find meaning in our lives.
In the twentieth century we have learned an enormous amount about how to get along with ourselves and with others.
Put that knowledge to work and we may yet save the planet.
Disregard it, as we focus our lives and fortunes on the next technological quick fix, and we may not survive.
 That Carl Rogers has dramatically and permanently influenced the major helping profession of our society is beyond question.
That his work has influenced millions in how they perceive the quality of life is also clear.
For years to come, that work will undoubtedly continue to spread, as Rogers’s colleagues and students and others working in similar directions continue to develop and promote the person-centered philosophy throughout the world.
Whether the person-centered approach to human relationships ultimately has a profound and lasting influence on American society and the world is much less certain.
At this point, how the world decides to handle its human problems – crime, drugs, intergroup and international conflict, to name a few – will determine whether there will be societies or even a world in which person-centered approaches can survive.
How large a part the work of Carl Rogers will play in influencing those decisions remains to be seen.
14
<H16>
 Therapist silence is a difficult skill for many beginning therapists.
Some feel uncomfortable with silence, whereas others use too much silence as a way of managing their anxiety over not knowing what to do or their fear of doing the wrong thing.
Interestingly, however, basic helping-skill texts barely mention when and how to use silence, raising questions about how therapists use silence in therapy and about how they learn about using silence.
 The theoretical literature is contradictory about the advisability of using silence in therapy.
Some theorists suggest that silence can convey empathy and help clients reflect on their thoughts and feelings, whereas others suggest that silence raises client anxiety, exerts pressure on the client to communicate, and results in the client feeling misunderstood or abandons and experiencing the therapist as withholding and critical.
Hence, theorists vary from suggesting that silence be used to convey tender concern to warning that silence can convey cruel inhumanity.
 The empirical literature is equally conflicting about the effects of silence in therapy.
The use of silence has been associated with client perceptions of rapport, success, and high levels of description, experiencing, and insight in the client’s immediate response following the silence.
However silence also has been associated with client dropout and perceptions of therapists as unempathic.
Much of this research has been problematic, however, because it has relied on correlating the frequency of silence in sessions with session or treatment outcome.
Clinically, it does not make sense that more or less silence would necessarily be good; rather, it makes sense that silence could have many different impacts depending on timing and client need.
It also makes more sense to examine individual silence events rather than the overall frequency of silence in relation to outcome because this latter method cancels out the positive and negative consequences of silence.
Furthermore, the previous studies have relied typically on observers’ ratings of the silence and its consequences or clients’ ratings of the outcome of sessions, but none have investigated experienced therapists’ perception about their use and consequences of silence.
Because therapists make decisions about whether or not to use silence in therapy, their perceptions on using silence would be valuable.
 Ladany, Hill, Thompson, and O’Brien (in preparation) recently qualitatively studied 12 experienced therapists’ perceptions about their use of silence in therapy.
They found that therapists perceived themselves as typically using silence to convey empathy, facilitate reflection, challenge the client to take responsibility, facilitate expression of feelings, and to gain time to think about what they wanted to say.
Furthermore, therapists generally indicated that a strong therapeutic alliance was a prerequisite for using silence.
Moreover, therapists typically thought they currently used silence more flexibly, comfortably, and confidently than they had as beginning therapists.
Finally, they typically believed that they had learned how to use silence through supervision rather than in graduate training.
Hence, these date suggest that silence is a multifaceted intervention that can be used for many different intentions, and that silence can lead potentially to therapeutically rich moments or to misunderstandings and disruptions.
 The Ladany et al. (in preparation) study is important because it is one of the few empirical studies to investigated therapists’ perceptions about using silence in therapy.
The study, however, involved a small sample of primarily psychodynamic therapists, raising questions about whether results would generalize to a broader sample of practicing therapists.
In addition, the researchers asked therapists about their use of silence in general rather than about their behavior in specific silence events ; hence, the date might reflect general attitudes toward using silence rather than actual behavior in specific situations.
Furthermore, the Ladany et al.
Study needs to be replicated with other methods.

14
<H15>
Life may be thought of an ongoing series of hellos and good-byes, of beginnings and endings.
It “begins with our first hello at birth and ends with our last good-bye at death”.
Psychologists naturally have empirically investigated these beginnings and endings of life, but they have devoted a great deal more energy to the former.
In fact, the experience of ending life was essentially ignored by researchers until Kubuler-Ross’s(1967) groundbreaking conception.
Still, for a variety of reasons, the study of the beginnings of life continues to be much more vigorously pursued than that of life’s ending.
One reason is that we may find it more personally agreeable, even uplifting, to study hellos or beginnings than to investigate endings.
 Psychotherapy, too, has a beginning and an ending.
And researchers have devoted a great deal of time to studying the beginning of counseling, while neglecting its ending phase.
In fact, most of the articles on termination begin by discussing how infrequently the process is addressed.
This is so despite the fact that there appears to be agreement among observers that termination is a highly significant topic and that how termination is handled by the therapist probably affects the entire treatment, including the gains made by the client.
Effectively handled termination, it often maintained, can consolidate gains as well as help clients work through issues (some universal) concerning ending.
Conversely, mishandled terminations (which includes ignoring the process) may sabotage the gains that emerge during therapy and deepen clients’ conflicts about endings.
 If there is relatively little theoretical work on the termination process, there is even less empirical research.
The likely culprit for the meager amount of research is the great complexity of termination.
Literally, termination includes everything in treatment that has preceded it.
To this, one way add the complexity of how the so-called termination phase of counseling is defined.
It is difficult to ascertain what is meant by a termination phase and what the boundaries of this phase are.
Another reason for the lack of empirical attention to termination is because, just as with studying the ending of life, investigating the ending of the treatment relationship is emotionally conflictual and is likely to emote issues around separations and ending in the researchers.
Ending of relationships are more difficult for most of us to examine than are beginnings.
 Although the empirical neglect of the topic of therapy termination continues to this day, there has been a gradual accretion of research during the past two decades.
Qualitative and quantitative studies have been conducted that examine the characteristics of the termination phase, client and therapist reactions to ending, and qualities within the participants that influence how they deal with and react to termination.
This small body of research is clearly in its infancy, but enough findings have accumulated to offer some provisional guidance to the practitioner.
TAT;Thematic Apperception Test:主題統覚検査
 
 マレーによって作成された投映法性格検査。人物などが登場する日常生活場面などが描かれた20枚の図版を見せ、その登場人物の感情・考え、そして現在・過去・未来を含めた物語を語らせ、その内容から被検者のパーソナリティ、特に欲求の内容やその対処などを中心に見ていく。マレーによって作成されたものをハーバード版と呼び、絵の内容を日本の文化に合わせて改訂した日本語版(精研式・早稲田版・名大版)がある。ずいぶん前に作成されたものであり、絵の内容が昭和時代のものであるため現代の生活を反映したものとは言いがたい。実施に時間がかかり、解釈も難しいことからTAT自体あまり実施されることが無いが、実施する場合にはハーバード版を好んで使う人が多いようである。
 マレーのTATを、7~10歳程度の幼児・児童用にベラックが改訂したものCAT;Children's Apperception Test:児童用絵画統覚検査とよぶ。図版には人ではなく、擬人化された動物が描かれていて、場面も児童の生活に即したものとなっている。日本版もあるが、どちらも臨床場面で用いられることはあまりないようである。
 マレー、モーガン 1935 「空想研究法」
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